The aftermath of devastating cyclone Aila that ravaged large parts of the West Bengal delta May 25 could cause lasting ecological damage to the Sundarbans, the world's largest mangrove forest, experts fear.
Environment experts and wildlife conservationists say the huge displacement caused by the cyclone may force many of the estimated 400,000 people who live among the mangrove forests, the narrow creeks and the wide rivers to enter protected forests, thereby seriously threatening one of the richest but most fragile ecosystems on earth.
"Aila has inundated the entire Sundarbans region and displaced thousands of residents in the islands. They have lost everything in the natural calamity. They are now living under the open sky with their families and children," WWF senior programme officer Subhro Sen told IANS.
Sen, along with his team works extensively in the Mousuni island, located in the western part of the Sundarbans.
"The agricultural lands and all water bodies are now filled with saline water. People who get their livelihood through vegetation, fisheries and cattle farming have landed in deep trouble. Everything has been washed away by the cyclone and the rural economy has virtually collapsed," he said.
According to Sen, the have-nots in the Sundarbans would now start entering the forest territories in search of a livelihood once the flood water recedes from the island region. This will largely disturb the Sundarbans biosphere that harbours rare animals like the estuarine crocodile, fishing cat and Gangetic dolphin.
"It will force marooned residents to depend more on forest products like honey and timber. This apart, people will also go for crab catching, fishing in the creeks and enter the restricted areas," he said, adding: "Lack of livelihood resource could also increase incidents of poaching in Sundarbans as people will be left with few options".
The alluvial archipelago called the Sundarbans, formed by 56 riverine islands, has been declared a World Heritage site by Unesco for its rich biodiversity and is home to the famous Royal Bengal Tiger.
Located in South 24 Parganas district of West Bengal, it is a vast area covering 4,262 sq km, including a mangrove cover of 2,125 sq km in India alone, and a larger portion in Bangladesh.
"As far as the environment and wildlife are concerned in Sundarbans, we're on the verge of another disaster just due to lack of administrative action and a disaster management plan on the part of the government," social worker Tushar Kanjilal told IANS.
Kanjilal runs a welfare organisation, Tagore Society for Rural Development, in the Sundarbans and has been working on various social and environmental projects in the deltaic zone since 1967.
"If the basic problems of Sundarbans' residents are not addressed properly, the situation will worsen further. This would also affect the environment and wildlife too. Aila is not the last disaster. I am sure there will be many other cyclonic disasters; some of them could be more intense than what we've seen this time," he said.
The Sundarbans delta, formed by the myriad branches of the Ganga, has forest tracts that reach 130 km inland from the coastline. It forms the most effective barrier against tidal surges and tsunami waves known on earth. The flip side is that the area itself is on the frontline of natural disasters.
"As an alternative, we've suggested that the state government and local bodies like panchayat and zilla parishad should encourage people to build elevated structures to save human habitations from any flood-like situation in future," Sen said, adding that the government can also promote saline paddy cultivation in that salt-water belt as a sustainable alternative.
This can become the largest database on planet earth and the oldest technology-driven plan that is still doing the rounds in India - a unique, single identity smart card for every citizen and resident in the country.
Don't expect it in 2011, despite Home Minister P. Chidambaram promising a smart card in the hands of every Indian by then. But even if it eventually does happen within this government's tenure, it would be one of its top achievements.
So my wallet will hold just one smart card: One identity for voting, a secure access, and just about everything. And this would give our megalith government "one view" of me.
Why is this so big?
Just look at all our mega-databases of residents. Each built up with billions of taxpayers' money. None "talks" to any other database. Each is a subset, and sometimes an overlap, with the citizenry.
The voter identity card: This database of over 714 million covers citizens of voting age, but not the younger ones, or foreign residents. So it can't be a universal ID. Could it be extended? No, the Election Commission has its hands full.
The permanent account number (PAN) card: This covers some 300 million income tax assessees, or anyone who files tax returns, including foreigners and companies. Yet, the tax administration cannot easily scan transactions to verify income. With all its computers, it is running two years late in scrutinizing returns.
The Census: This could have been the master database for India, covering all citizens, but it's more for demographics than individual detail, and it's not available to other agencies.
Ration cards: This centralised database supports the public distribution system. It is accessible on the web, but it covers just four million people, mostly below-poverty-line.
So it is with every other database. Each is a silo that doesn't talk to any other database - the raison d'etre for the smart card.
A single master database will give the government a common view of all residents and for wherever identities need to be proved. It will help identify the illegal immigrant and give a fillip to national security and tax collection.
Take the US social security number (SSN). It's a nine-digit number issued to US citizens and residents - even temporary, working residents - by the US government.
The US programme started in 1936, with 25 million SSNs issued as tax identities. Rules were later changed so that even minors required a social security number. Today it is issued with birth certificates and is a major tool for homeland security.
The tax administration is also happy, for it can correlate transactions such as investments, payouts and property and vehicle purchase in near real time - as India would like to do, but can't.
So why is India two decades behind?
Old problem: No Driver. The database owners had no interest, inclination or resources to go and set up a national database. This has to be driven from the top - the Prime Minister's Office or the President's Secretariat, or by an empowered group that has now been planned.
There is also the challenge of collating a database and issuing the cards across India's billion-plus people. The Election Commission knows after all these years that no more than 82 percent of the 714 million voters have cards.
The Election Commission database is also flawed. The cards have errors and its holders often find their names missing from the voter list or in the wrong list. Examples: Leader of Opposition L.K. Advani, cricket captain M.S. Dhoni, actor Priyanka Chopra. And most surprising of them all: Chief Election Commissioner Navin Chawla himself.
But the die is cast, with top-level assurance from President Pratibha Patil and Chidambaram that every Indian will carry a smart card in three years and pilot projects are on.
The card is also in place: A secure, chip-based smart card specified by a group from the state-run National Informatics Centre, Indian Institute of Technology at Kanpur, Bharat Electricals Ltd and the Intelligence Bureau, to name a few.
If these cards reach even half of India's citizens by 2011, the UPA government will deserve praise. But even if they don't, the first steps are good - it is part of the manifesto of the Congress party, which heads the UPA coalition.
This can become Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's top achievement in the realm of technology-driven governance, as also for homeland security - and may even help speed up, just a bit, the technology market's recovery.
The story of how the electorate belied political prophesies and made smooth government formation possible after the Lok Sabha elections deserves close scrutiny because it contains early intimations of a new trend.
Even the best scenario visualised by pollsters had left the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), widely acknowledged as the frontrunner, far short of a simple majority in the 545-member house. Some experts suggested the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a close runner-up, might be in a better position than the UPA to attract support from other parties and raise the tally to 273, needed to chalk up a majority.
As it happened, the UPA was only 10 short of the magic figure. This shortfall was small enough to be made up without placating Prakash Karat, Mayawati, J. Jayalalithaa, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Lalu Prasad, not to mention Nitish Kumar, who too turned up at the auction room.
The voters had so exercised their franchise that the so-called third and fourth fronts were left with no bargaining power at all. The worst sufferers were the reunited Yadavs, who had adopted a strategy calculated to enhance their capability by limiting the Congress party's strength.
This is not the first time that the Indian electorate has demonstrated an uncanny ability to brush aside political gibberish and arrive at the best possible verdict in the circumstances. Millions of voters, taking independent decisions in the privacy of their minds, had given expression to a common will when they voted out Indira Gandhi's emergency regime in 1977. They displayed the same determination again when, sickened by the Janata Party squabbles, they recalled Indira Gandhi.
The 1977 and 1980 verdicts can be explained in terms of a wide swing of the pendulum. The Congress party's vote share had dropped from 43.68 percent in 1971 to 34.52 percent in 1977, sweeping it out of office. It climbed to 42.69 percent in 1980 and the party was back in power.
There was no big swing this time. Provisional figures released by the Election Commission show that the Congress party's share increased slightly from 26.53 percent to 28.55 percent and the BJP's declined slightly from 22.16 percent to 18.80 percent. These changes may be sufficient to explain the rise in the Congress' strength from 145 to 206 and the fall in the BJP's from 138 to 116, but not to understand the way the electorate resolved the national conundrum.
It was the rise of regional parties and the vaulting ambitions of their leaders which had raised fears that government formation might not be easy. There was no appreciable change in the popularity of the national parties and the regional parties. In 2004, the national parties (those recognized as such by the Election Commission) together commanded 62.89 percent of the votes. This time their share was 62.32 percent.
The combined vote of the Congress and the BJP declined from 48.69 percent to 47.35 percent. The decline was too small for the Left parties to realise their pet dream of keeping both of them out of power. Communist Party of India (CPI) general secretary A.B. Bardhan's forecast that the Congress and the BJP together would not win even 250 seats went awry. Actually they increased their combined strength from 283 to 312.
The electorate made government formation easy by eliminating the bargaining capacity of the ambitious leaders of the smaller parties. It rebuffed the sponsors of the Third Front, who wanted to hold the major national parties at bay. The Communist Party of India-Marxist lost 27 seats and the CPI six.
The voters meted out harsh punishment to the Yadavs who had cynically indulged in a game of self-aggrandizement. The Rashtriya Janata Dal of Lalu Prasad lost 20 seats and the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav lost 13 seats. Their ally, Lok Janshakti Party of Ram Vilas Paswan, lost all its four seats.
The election results provide early intimations of a bipolar trend. A tendency towards a bipolar polity is already in evidence in several states. It is the emergence of diverse forces in the different states that has made coalitions at the centre inevitable.
The parties which aligned themselves with either of the major national parties did well. Those ranged on the side of the Congress benefited the most. The Trinamool Congress in West Bengal made a whopping gain of 17 seats. Going by the winner-takes-all pattern witnessed in Tamil Nadu in recent years, Jayalalithaa's AIADMK should have made a clean sweep this time. Anticipating such a development, the well-known electoral weather cocks, Vaiko's Marumalarchi DMK and S. Ramadoss' PMK switched to her side. The results were disastrous: while the PMK lost all its six seats, the MDMK managed to save one of its four seats.
Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's poll eve vacillation notwithstanding, the Janata Dal-United, BJP's partner in the NDA, fared well in Bihar. The only Third Front party to buck the bipolar trend was Orissa's Biju Janata Dal.
Bollywood veteran Manoj Kumar is upbeat about donning the director's hat once again in his golden jubilee year in the industry for an "Indo-Pak" love story.
The actor-turned-filmmaker may have moved on from the "Om Shanti Om" controversy, but maintains that what Shah Rukh Khan did was "dirty".
"Though I had three subjects in mind, I decided to first go with 'Indo-Pak: A Love Story'. The film will not revolve only around patriotism. It will have a human and romantic angle," Manoj Kumar told IANS over telephone from Mumbai.
"The film will highlight that there is a lot of commonalities between the two countries. We have the same features, our food is similar and, after all, a few years ago we were one single country," said the 71-year-old actor, who was known as 'Mr. Bharat' for his patriotic films like "Upkaar", "Shaheed" and "Purab Aur Paschim".
Manoj Kumar said he chose such a theme as he was born in Abbottabad, a town of the North West Frontier Province now located in Pakistan, adding that he would take a few Pakistani actors for the film.
"I was inclined to this subject since I have lived in Pakistan and now am living in India. I know the cultures of both the countries," he explained. He is donning the director's mantle after 1999 when he made "Jai Hind".
Asked if he still had any grudges against superstar Shah Rukh for the spoof on him in Farah Khan's 2007 film "Om Shanti Om", he said he had moved on but asserted that what Shah Rukh had done was wrong.
"Shah Rukh did a dirty thing. When I reacted he then visited me, apologised and said he will remove the scene from the film, but he did not keep his promise. It was not that I get angry with people on everything, but I have to protect the image of Manoj Kumar. Later when he removed the scene, I dropped the matter," Manoj Kumar said.
"It's been two years and now I don't have any grudges against him. He is just like a younger brother to me," he added.
Manoj Kumar had objected to the spoof on him in "Om Shanti Om" and filed a lawsuit to get the scenes deleted, but the issue was later settled out of court.
Manoj Kumar said he would like to cast new faces in his new venture though he likes Aamir Khan best among the current lot of heroes.
"I like Aamir's work and I'm particularly happy that he is doing less and only meaningful work, but for my film I want fresh faces," the Padma Shri awardee said.
"I am negotiating with a few actors, but nothing is confirmed as of now. I have decided to take one or two actors from Pakistan for the film," he said.
Asked if he would like to act in his film or take up other acting assignments, the yesteryears actor said: "I will never impose myself on a script. If there is a suitable role for me in a film, then I will do it; otherwise I won't push myself into it."
"As far as signing any other film is concerned, I have always been very focused about the kind of work I want to do. In 50 years I have worked in only 42 films. I have always believed in quality and meaningful cinema and not quantity. If I get something like that, I will do it," he added.
Welcome to Hogan's Alley, a hotbed of 'terrorists' and home of the world's most robbed bank. Its only bank - the Bank of Hogan - is robbed at least twice a week. Mobsters and drug dealers lurk around every corner.
So be careful, a bullet may whiz past you if a 'robber' pulls out a gun or you are caught in the crossfire when a group of 'terrorists' lays siege to the neighbouring Dogwood's Inn as they did at a couple of Mumbai hotels back in November.
But don't worry, the FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) always gets its man here. And if you do get hit, it may hurt a bit but would do no greater harm than leaving you marked with some orange paint, one learns during a visit to the mock town named after the "Hogan's Alley" comic strip of the late 1800s.
This is where FBI special agents hone their skills before they go off to protect the United States against terrorist threats and foreign spies, fight crime at home or go off to work as legal attaches, or "Legats" at FBI's 62 international offices, including one in New Delhi, and to work with international agencies and partners.
Steve Merrill, a special agent posted in New Delhi, was on his way to Jodhpur to play cricket on the US Embassy Team in the Maharajah's annual tournament when he learned of the attacks in Mumbai, as FBI director Robert Mueller, recalled in a recent speech at the Council on Foreign Relations.
Steve quickly changed his plans and made his way to Mumbai with just the clothes on his back, his Blackberry, and his cricket gear and immediately made contact with his Indian counterparts. He got to work with skills learned back at Hogan's Alley and friendships made though the agency's international training programmes.
Built in 1987 with the help of Hollywood set designers, Hogan's Alley spread over 10-plus acres is part of the FBI Training Academy, located on 385 wooded acres on a Marine Corps base in Quantico, Virginia, about 60 km outside Washington.
Besides a bank and a hotel, it's also got a post office, a laundromat, a barber shop, a pool hall, homes, shops, and more. There's a constant flow of people and traffic. You can even get a bite to eat at the local deli.
But don't look too closely. The cars parked outside 'Honest Jim's' aren't really for sale. The 'Dogwood Inn Restaurant' is actually a classroom. The post office doesn't deliver and the town's two mailboxes have been welded shut as they kept filling up with real letters.
Newly minted agents learn the latest investigative techniques, firearms skills, and defensive tactics here. They investigate terrorist activities...plan and make arrests...process evidence at crime scenes...conduct interviews and searches...use ballistic shields as protection..."clear" areas so they're safe to enter... and get into paint-ball gun fights with "criminals." All with the help of local actors hired to play both "bad guys" and innocent bystanders.
But it's not all play at the FBI Academy. Through an intensive, 20-week training programme they learn all basic skills they will need to collect intelligence, conduct effective investigations and fire some 3,600 bullets before moving into one of five pre-designated career paths: intelligence, counter-terrorism, counterintelligence, cyber, or criminal investigations.
"The unique thing about the National Academy is that it teaches the best way of doing things, not the only way to do it," according to the Training Division's assistant director Brian Lamkin.
Apart from giving FBI's own agents an ability to collaborate globally, the academy also runs an international training and assistance programme involving officers from 25 countries including Pakistan, mostly funded by the State Department.
The division has run a few crime scene courses for police officers from India, "but for Pakistan we have a huge programme now focusing on investigation and counter-terrorism," said section head Frederick Schmied.
A super-speciality hospital here has redefined the approach to healthcare by providing world class treatment completely free.
Patients referred to Sri Satya Sai Institute for Higher Medical Sciences hospital do not have to come in with a credit card or a cheque book.
"Here we don't charge for anything, whether it is a heart bypass, lung operation, or a brain surgery," says Satyaranjandas Hegde, a top neurosurgeon and director of the 330-bed hospital. "In fact, we have no cashier or a billing section."
Treatments, tests, medicines, food and hospital stay are all free, "and if some tests cannot be done here, we get them done outside at our cost," says Hegde.
On an average day, surgeons here perform six neuro and seven heart surgeries. Together with laboratory tests, X-ray scans and outpatient procedures these are worth over Rs.5 million ($100,000) in commercial terms but done free, says Hegde, who quit his high paying job in another hospital because he did not like the "commercial culture" there.
He was not the only one to make the switch. Kolli Challam, head of anesthesia and critical care, left his flourishing practice in Abu Dhabi two years ago to join Hegde's team.
Government dispensaries do offer free treatment for minor ailments but tertiary care always involves money, says Hegde. "It is a disaster for a poor family if one of its members requires brain or heart surgery. It means selling family jewels to meet hospital costs or just pray to god and hope for the best."
For thousands of Indians - as well as patients from neighboring Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka - their god comes in the shape of the Sai hospital. Set up in 2001, it is run by a medical trust created by Sri Satya Sai Baba, a spiritual leader with a global following.
Built with trust funds, the Rs.200 million that the hospital spends annually on salaries, medicine, equipment and maintenance come entirely from unsolicited donations from his devotees.
"The state government gave us land and the power supply for hospital is free," Hegde said. "Companies give us medical equipments at discount and one computer firm installed Rs.10 million ($20,000)-worth hospital software at no cost."
The hospital does not advertise to fill non-clinical positions. Skilled workers queue up to volunteer their services because of their faith in Satya Sai Baba.
Those who man the gates, serve at the reception and counsel patients are all volunteers inspired by Baba's philosophy that "seva," or selfless service, is service to god. People wanting to offer 'seva' are so many that there is a waiting list for volunteers, says Hegde. "We keep rotating them to give everyone a chance."
Sai hospital is actually known as a "temple of healing" as it provides medicare in a spiritual ambiance devoid of commercialism, its employees say. "I can see god's mission being carried out here," said former president of India A.P.J. Abdul Kalam during a visit to the hospital in 2006. "The doctors and staff looked to me as angels."
Free service does not mean compromising on quality or standards, Hegde points out. "Ours is as well equipped as, or better equipped than, corporate hospitals."
The hospital, with highly qualified physicians and surgeons, attracts dozens of specialists from India and abroad because they are either devotees of Satya Sai Baba or "infected by the desire to do seva", says Hegde.
Sivaraman Yegyaraman, a practising cardiac electro physiologist in Stratford, New Jersey, is one such specialist who comes to Sai hospital twice a year at his own expense. "I had always wanted to place my medical training at the service of the under-privileged and Sai hospital presented me the opportunity," he told IANS during his recent visit.
Another regular visitor, Ravindra Goyal, chairman of neurosciences at McLaren Regional Medical Center in Flint, Michigan, is a Satya Sai Baba devotee. "Each trip to this facility charges and motivates me to apply the principle of 'selfless service' to my work back in the US on my return," he said.
What makes the Sai hospital unique? It is not just the state-of-the-art technology or high quality service but the spiritual ambiance pervading through the campus, says hospital manager Sri Krishna.
"It actually makes me feel I am entering a temple and not a hospital," said Akella Chendrasekhar, medical director of Wyckoff Medical Center in New York. He was one of three specialists who came from the US spending their own money to conduct a workshop on 'critical care medicine' at the Sai hospital last week.
By redefining medical care Sai hospital has clearly shown it is certainly possible to provide the best treatment absolutely free, says Hegde. "There is no reason why this model cannot be replicated in other places in India and even abroad."
Bollywood is divided over Australia following a spate of attacks on Indian students there. While many filmmakers say they will avoid Australia to shoot, some find the country still attractive.
Kalpana Lajmi: It is indeed extremely unfortunate. But I don't hold the the entire Australian nation responsible. If my film requires an Australian backdrop, I wouldn't hesitate to shoot there.
Anees Bazmi: Being a true Indian and a human being, I condemn these acts of violence. My conscience won't permit me to shoot in Australia.
Sajid Nadiadwala: No I won't shoot in Australia. And why only Australia? I won't have any relations with any country that disrespects Indians.
Ken Ghosh: I definitely won't shoot in Australia. These attacks are very surprising. I always found them (Australians) to be very friendly.
Subhash Ghai: Certainly (I won't shoot there) until Australia gives full respect and protection to Indian students.
Sujoy Ghosh: Yup I'd shoot. And maybe carry a couple of hockey sticks to beat those racists.
Siddharth Anand: My entire film "Salaam Namastey" and "Ta Ra Rum Pum" were shot in Australia. I strongly condemn what's happening there. As of now I'd still like to believe Australia is a very friendly nation. The people there have been very warm and hospitable. But something drastic has to be done to stop these attacks. Until then I'd definitely be in two minds about shooting in Australia.
Pritish Nandy: Yes I'd shoot in Australia. Just as I would shoot in Goa despite the murder of Scarlett Keeling and other foreign tourists. We shoot in locations that suit the script. We can't take patriotism to such absurd lengths.
Satish Kaushik: Shoot in Australia? Not at all. Why should we celebrate the beauty of a country when the heart of certain people in that country is not beautiful? They should learn from us. Atithi devo bhava.
Kabir Khan: It's very important to make a distinction between prejudices practiced by a government and racist attacks by some disgruntled lunatics. However to show our disapproval of the attacks, it'd better not to shoot in Australia at the moment.
Ravi Chopra: No, definitely not. If our kids are not welcome, I don't want to be any part of Australia.
Jagmohan Mundhra: Even though I think most Australians are not racists, the frequency of attacks on Indian students is a matter of concern. As a mark of protest I won't shoot in Australia until the government takes a firm stand against racial violence and sets an example by giving severe punishments to the perpetrators of these attacks.
Tarun Mansukhani: No, considering the inaction by the Australian government against racial abuse, I wouldn't shoot in Australia. I don't think we should consider any joint venture with Australia until we get the same protection provided to their citizens. Indian students in Australia are a source of revenue for the Australian government. In exchange, the least we expect them to do is safeguard our lives.
Sajid Khan: I feel an entire nation can't be tarred because of a handful of extremists. We'll only make these elements stronger by being scared. At the same time we want to see Australia take action against hate attacks. Until then I won't shoot in Australia to show my solidarity with Indians who are attacked anywhere in the world.
Vipul Shah: Shoot in Australia? Not at all. I'm shocked by their hatred. That their so-called progressive culture can be so bigoted is unbelievable. Australia must know we are united in fighting those who attack one of us. We'll make them change their attitude.
Zoya Akhtar: I won't visit Australia till the government takes drastic steps to stop the violence.
Vikram Bhatt: I'm deeply angered. In fact, I was planning a film in Australia, no more.
Kunal Kohli: (Amitabh) Bachchan's refusal to accept the doctorate should be the starting point for us all to take similar action. I definitely will not shoot in Australia till the attacks are stopped and definite laws are implemented to prevent such attacks.
Madhu Mantena: I've been encouraging friends abroad to shoot in Mumbai after 26/11. By the same yardstick we can't give up Australia because of a few demented individuals.
Abbas-Mustan: It would be a risk for the entire cast to shoot in Australia given the present circumstances.
Bunty Walia: Nope. A country that doesn't look after my countrymen will never figure in my work and leisure scheme
Priyadarshan: No I wouldn't shoot in Australia even if my script required.
Sanjay Leela Bhansali: What is happening to our children in Australia is unforgivable and goes beyond the interests of art and culture. I wouldn't want to shoot in Australia until they sort this matter out. And why go to a hostile country when our country is so beautiful?
Madhur Bhandarkar: First ensure the safety of our boys, then we'll see about shooting in Australia. What guarantee is there for anyone's life in a country where a handful of people are terrorizing foreigners? Given the circumstances I don't want to risk my cast and crew's life in Australia.
Aparna Sen: No I wouldn't shoot in Australia. What's happening there is deplorable.
Winds of change have already started blowing at Rail Bhavan here just 10 days after Mamata Banerjee took charge of the railways portfolio. Passenger amenities are her first priority, as opposed to generating revenue surplus that was the mantra of her predecessor Lalu Prasad.
Even as security guards at her ministry are getting used to the cabinet-rank minister driving in almost unnoticed in a small Maruti Zen, rather than a white Ambassador car with a beacon that is so much part of a minister's life, senior officers are wary of any move that could clash with Banerjee's own frugal lifestyle.
"Her priorities are very clear," said Ratan Mukherjee, special officer to the minister, who not only owns the Maruti Zen in which Banerjee travels in the national capital but also drives it himself.
"Her focus is on improving passenger amenities at every level. Potable water and clean toilets inside trains and stations are some of the issues she has taken up. She also wants passengers to feel satisfied and safe," Mukherjee told IANS.
In fact, all these and more are reflected in the letter that has been circulated to all the 1.4-million employees of Indian Railways who run the world's second largest railroad network under a single management.
"I will urge all of you to provide service with a smile," said her letter where she made it clear that none of the 14 million passengers who travel on 7,000 trains daily should go home disappointed.
"Railways are committed to protect and nurture the commercial interest, but it has to be done with a human face," her letter said.
Even at the top level, Banerjee - who has preferred to stay in a small apartment rather than the ministerial bungalow she is entitled to - has conveyed in no uncertain terms that the focus should be on the average citizen and that she will also not fail to praise deserving officials.
According to her aides, in one of her first observations after taking charge, she told Railway Board Chairman S.S. Khurana that she had found the potable water dispensing system at the Sealdah station in Kolkata efficient and good and wanted it replicated all over the country.
"Quality of food, cleanliness, punctuality - the minister wants proper attention to be paid to all these issues that are often taken for granted," said a close aide, adding top officials are now raising these issues at appropriate levels.
"She (Banerjee) has stressed that the quality of linen given in trains has deteriorated and there is an immediate need to bring about some perceptible improvements," said one such follow-up letter from Khurana to a senior colleague.
Among the minister's first decisions are reinstating the full menu on Rajdhani trains, with an added offer of regional cuisine. So a passenger to Kolkata will have the choice of fish and rice, while another to Chennai can savour idlis or upma.
Banerjee, who insists on paying for her afternoon cuppa and snack in her office, has also met the top brass of the Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corp (IRCTC) and has told them that the quality of food served in trains must improve, while also calling for surprise checks and joint inspections to bring about necessary improvements.
With a cushion of the Rs.900 billion surplus that Lalu Prasad has left behind after his five-year tenure as railway minister, Banerjee has promised cheap passes for students and the elderly, double-decker air-conditioned coaches and higher wages to staff as recommended by an official panel.
Now, as she prepares to present the regular railway budget next month, Banerjee has also called for the views of every member of the vast Indian Railway family - a move that has gone down well with the staff.
"I would welcome suggestions on how to improve our own performance in different spheres of activities of the railways. I believe that every suggestion is important and useful."